Coming Soon: Aggregating Sahel and West-Africa Security for Regional Economic Boom


Most West African leaders were very optimistic about their countries’ future at independence. They hoped to transform their newly independent countries so that their citizens would enjoy the fruits of independence, as colonial rule had brought only few benefits to the majority of the people. And indeed, some started well. They formulated good policies for the social and economic development of their people. School enrollment, for example, increased substantially in the first decade of independence. The road network was expanded and hospitals and clinics were built. However, these impressive developments were soon overshadowed by many problems, some of which have still not been solved. I shall discuss below the causes spheres of influence of terrorism  and the solutions to the regional security treats for economic prosperity.

For centuries, herdsmen across Africa’s Sahel headed south during the long, hot dry season. Farmers typically welcomed them because their cattle and goats fertilized depleted cropland. While herders and farmers routinely competed over scarce resources, outright violence was restrained through customary arrangements and swift mediation from local leaders. But this symbiosis is crumbling. Instead, thousands of civilians from Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger and Nigeria are killed every year in bloody inter-communal violence. Many more are caught up in deadly overlapping conflicts that are spinning out of control.

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EU Election Observation Mission to Nigeria acknowledge the 2019 general elections

The European Union Election Observation Mission presented  2019 general elections report in Abuja, yesterday.

According to the Mission’s report,

the elections held under former President Olusegun Obasanjo were marred by serious irregularities and frauds.

Also in 2015 general elections, the elections held under former President Jonathan

were marred by incidents of violence, abuse of incumbency at state and federal levels, and attempts at manipulation.

While in 2019, according to the European Union Election Observation Mission, Nigeria recorded significant improvement in the 2019 general elections that some of the items that were listed for recommendation in 2015 and have been implemented include: the development and maintenance of a functional voter register, the merger of the accreditation and voting processes for ease for voters, improving the sanction powers of INEC, increasing the number of polling units, immediate display of results in collation centres, more involved participation of civil society and citizen observation among others.


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As Europe grapples with Brexit, the African Union seeks a more United States of Africa 

Since the United Kingdom voted for Brexit three years ago, the European Union has been struggling to work out a structure for its future relations with the country.

While debates about the unpredictability of economic and political relationships between the EU and Britain continue to linger, thousands of miles away, the AfricanUnion (AU) is creating a close-knit relationship among its own 55 member nations.

In 2013, the AU designed Agenda2063, a framework with set objectives to aid the socio-economic transformation of the continent over the next 50 years.

The vision is to maintain integration of Africans on the continent, according to Khabele Matlosa, the organization’s Director of political affairs.

“The goal is to realise the union of an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa driven by its own citizens,”

One of the ways the union is doing this is through the proposed launch of a continental passport known as the AU passport.

The passport will grant visa free access to every member state so Africans can move freely across the continent.

Presently, only Seychelles and Benin have no visa restrictions for Africa travelers. Read more via


Mark-Anthony Johnson, CEO at JIC Holdings. Continue reading “As Europe grapples with Brexit, the African Union seeks a more United States of Africa “

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Nigeria recovers N605 billion through whistle blowers policy

On December 21 2016, Nigeria’s Federal Government launched its Whistle-Blowing Policy, which was facilitated through the Federal Ministry of Finance and a whistle-blower who provides information about any financial mismanagement or tip about any stolen funds to the ministry’s portal is rewarded or entitled to 2.5% – 5% from the recovered funds by the government.

Around the world, whistleblowing is a key tool in fighting corruption and whistleblowers have been hailed as heroes for revealing corruption and fraud in organizations and for preventing potentially harmful mistakes from leading to disasters including Nigeria.

According to the minister of finance, Zainab Ahmed, the whistleblower policy of Nigeria government subsists and it is still being implemented. The total amount of collection that has been made through various efforts in the whistleblower policy is about N605 billion that this is an improvement over the amount that was recovered at the end of 2018, which was over N540 billion.

The government should ensure that people who blow the whistle are well protected; not just only keeping the identity of the individual confidential because witness protection is a much more serious matter and punish those who make false and malicious reports against innocent persons in corruption and related offences.

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Corporate confusion: Is Facebook getting it right

The Facebook’s share is about 20 percent of the United States online ad market. This may be true for the online ad market overall, but in terms of social spend, Facebook has 80% market share. Marketers typically allocate budgets by category such as search or social and then pick platforms within those categories (though, to be fair, budgets do respond somewhat to relative changes in cost structure between spend categories).

Still, with Facebook’s (and especially its subsidiary Instagram’s) dominance in the social market, it’s hard to say it has any real competitors right now. Competition has led it to innovate in order to maintain competitive as formats, but it’s inventory is unmatched and unmatchable. Even if a competitor provided substantially better ads, it would be difficult for it to provide the demanded inventory when new users are limited due to network effects.

The misunderstanding is about Facebook itself and the competitive dynamics in which they operate. They are a large company made up of many smaller pieces. All of these products and services fight for customers. Each one has at least three or four competitors with hundreds of millions, if not billions, of users. In photo and video-sharing, they compete against services like YouTube, Snapchat, Twitter, Pinterest and TikTok, an emerging competitor.

In messaging, they are not even the leader in the top three markets — China, Japan and, by our estimate, the United States — where they compete with Apple’s iMessage, WeChat, Line and Microsoft’s Skype. Globally, the context in which social media must be understood, China alone has several large social media companies, including powerhouses like Tencent and Sina. It will seem perverse to people in Europe, and certainly in China, to see American policymakers talking about dismantling one of America’s biggest global players.

Its irritating that all these righteous progs were worshipping FB only a few years ago, heedless of it dominance and obvious privacy issues, which is one reason it became so dominant in the first place. Now in their pique at their own foolishness, they want to destroy it.

In this competitive environment, it is hard to sustain the claim that Facebook is a monopoly. Almost all of their revenue comes from digital advertising, and most estimates say Facebook’s share is about 20 percent of the United States online ad market, which means 80 percent of all digital ads happen off  Facebook platforms.

Just getting Facebook to act in way to avoid calls for ‘breaking it up’ seems hard enough, particularly when Facebook has said that separate parts would remain separate – ‘In March 2018 — before GDPR came into effect — a plan to share data between WhatsApp and Facebook was ruled as illegal by the U.K. Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO).

At the time, the ICO said it had investigated whether WhatsApp could legally share user data with Facebook, finding that “such sharing would involve the processing of personal data for a purpose that is incompatible with the purpose for which such data was obtained.”

The Irish Data Protection Commission has called on Facebook to provide it with an “urgent briefing” on the proposals.

In a statement, the Irish watchdog (Facebook’s European HQ is in Dublin) said it understood the plan was at a “very early conceptual stage” but that it would keep close tabs on the process.

“The Irish DPC will be very closely scrutinising Facebook’s plans as they develop, particularly insofar as they involve the sharing and merging of personal data between different Facebook companies,” it said.

At the moment, WhatsApp and Instagram users are identified by their phone numbers, while Facebookers sign up with other information. Bringing the three platforms together would give the Zuckerberg the ability to greatly expand its already detailed profiles of users, creating an even more lucrative data set to mine for ad revenue.’

The European Commission also fined the tech giant 110 million euros ($122 million) in 2017 for giving “misleading information” about its acquisition of WhatsApp. Facebook bought Instagram in 2012 and WhatsApp in 2014.’

As noted by The Register – ‘Facebook has been warned it can only borg its three messaging platforms in the European Union if it meets data protection rules. There are widespread concerns about the plan’s impact.

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United Nation investigation into UAE military role in Libya conflict



A secret UN report, seen by Agence France-Presse , revealed on Monday that UN experts are investigating the possibility of Abu Dhabi’s military involvement in the conflict in Libya, for the missiles that had been launched, in April, from Chinese-made uncrewed aircraft, are similar to those owned by the UAE army.

According to the report, the missiles fired from the guided aircraft on the southern suburb of Tripoli on 19 and 20 April, are Blue Arrow air-to-ground missiles, based on fragments studied by UN experts.

Only three countries, China, Kazakhstan, and the United Arab Emirates own this type of missiles. This is because these missiles could only be launched by uncrewed aircraft produced by China’s Wing Loong.

“The group of experts is investigating the possible use of variables from the Wing Loong unmanned aircraft by the Libyan National Army led by Marshal Khalifa Haftar, or by a third party supporting the Libyan National Army,” the report pointed out.

According to the report, it is almost sure that Libya has not obtained these missiles directly from the manufacturing company or China.

The United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt are the main supporters of Haftar, who has been waging a military attack since 4 April to take over Tripoli.

The UAE said Libya’s “priority” is to “confront terrorism,” noting that “extremist militias” are still controlling the capital Tripoli.

Reiterated calls for a ceasefire in Libya

UN Secretary-General António Guterres and Chairperson of the African Union Commission Moussa Faki reiterated calls for a ceasefire in Libya, as Haftar’s forces are continuing their offensive attacks to control Tripoli, which is under the management of the Government of National Accord.

“The priority today is to stop the war,” Faki said in a joint news conference with Guterres in New York, stressing, that “there would be no military solution in such a conflict.”

He added: “The Libyan parties must accept the cessation of hostilities and hold discussions to resolve this crisis in peaceful and political ways.”

For his part, Guterres said that “the message directed to all the Libyans” is the need to reach a “ceasefire”, “stop hostilities” and return to the path of a political solution.

He added that the call for a ceasefire includes a “cessation of the attack” Haftar’s forces are waging on Tripoli.

The United Nations and the African Union have previously called on the two conflicting parties in Libya for a ceasefire or at least commit to a humanitarian truce. However, these calls have not been heard.

It is noted that since the start of Haftar’s attack on Tripoli, at least 432 people have been killed, 2,209 others have been injured and more than 55,000 people have been displaced, according to the United Nations.




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The daily fuel consumption in Nigeria


Last year the federal government approved an automated fuel system management and sensor network aimed at revealing the daily fuel consumption by tracking fuel delivery from the point of entry into Nigeria to its final delivery in the petrol station and now, the government has got the Department Of Petroleum Resources (DPR) trackers to track every product coming into the country, which in a matter of months, the government will be able to know what we really consume.

Nigeria’s daily petrol consumption has jumped 56 million litres in 2019 from 54 million in 2018, according to the Petroleum Product Pricing Regulatory Agency, (PPPRA), though expert faults Nigeria’s consumption of over 50 million litres of petrol daily that the huge volume of PMS consumed in the country was inappropriate and does not promote development even Bismarck Rewane said in an interview a few days ago that he doesn’t believe Nigeria consumes over 50 million litres of PMS daily.

The Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Dr Ibe Kachikwu said my responsibility is to sit with NNPC, PPPRA, vet those numbers to be sure and that is why we just installed the latest technology with DPR that if the numbers are right, then we need to ask ourselves why we are growing at this alarming rate.

Let’s wait and see what happens.

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How Indonesia government used discounts and promotions to decrease the non-voters rates during the last election

By Nurudeen Adeyemi, Indonesia  /  20th April, 2019


President Joko Widodo claimed victory while Prabowo Subianto also claimed victory, but the official result will be announced on May 22, however, what I found interesting in Indonesian election on Wednesday was that as Indonesians exercise their right to vote, they enjoy a range of discounts and promotions from products to services.

In a bid to increase the voter turnout during the election, Indonesian Ministry of communication and information collaborated with several of the country’s business associations to give a wide range of discounts and promotions to voters, what the customers have to do to get the special prices were to show their purple-inked fingers as proof they had voted in Wednesday’s election.

Some business offers up to 50% discounts for products and services, even some customers obtained free admission to tourist sites, though Election Day was declared a public holiday yet department stores, restaurants etc. opened.

The aims for the wide range of discounts and promotions was to decrease the number of nonvoters and to allow the public to reunite with friends and family without having to worry about their political differences, in which some seized that opportunity while some worried about their political differences.

Maybe we can adopt this initiative in Nigeria.

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The reality of  the Nigerian Military Rule  2

Nigeria’s crude oil wealth paradoxically became an impediment to its democratic development,

as it incentivized the country’s military to seize and retain political

power. Within 18 months of seizing power, the Nigerian military threatened the cor-

porate existence of the country as two different factions of the army attempted to

secede, replicated Nigeria’s political and societal cleavages within itself, and plunged

the country into the brutal famine ravaged Biafran civil war that claimed over a mil-

lion lives, and presented Western viewers for the first time, with their now prototyp –

ical imagery of the emaciated and starving African child.


The excesses of the Nigerian  military were largely ignored by Western governments which

were anxious not to interrupt a generous supply of crude oil. Nigeria’s “Bonny Light” crude oil is

highly attractive to its Western importers as it has a low sulfur content and is easy to refine.

Therefore Western relations with Nigeria are largely dictated by economic interests rather than

by any sense of altruism or adherence to democratic principles.


It is often said that history is written by victors. In many cases in Nigeria, history

is not written at all. A combination of official reluctance to divulge combustible past

events in a country permanently poised on an ethnic and religious powder keg, and

the determination of the dramatis personae to avoid having their misdeeds exposed,

means that early Nigerian post-independence history is in many places a collection

of folk tales and fables. This has also caused Nigeria to be greatly misunderstood

and misrepresented overseas, especially in the area of the Nigerian military’s pivotal

interference in the politics and governance of Nigeria.


Nigerians are aware that their military ruled them for 30 out of the country’s first 40 years after

independence. Yet there is little situational awareness of how the military became so politically

powerful. Even though ostensibly democratic today, Nigeria is still dominated by the same

military cabal that over four decades sporadically overthrew democratically elected

governments, fought the Biafran civil war and imposed an economic blockade that

caused famine and a million deaths, recklessly squandered the country’s oil wealth,

and played the greatest role in disrupting the country’s political evolution.


The decade between 1966 and 1976 was the most politically explosive decade of

Nigeria’s history during which it almost disintegrated, and Nigerian governments

mastered the art of taking their country to the edge of an abyss and pulling back at

the last moment. Most of the prior books on this time period were written by the

protagonists, and their accounts are sometimes tainted by their embittered personal

experiences and grievances.


There is a substantial readership that desires a balanced,  impartial and full account of that crisis

racked decade. This book seeks to educate the reader about the dynamic that existed within the

military and which influenced its conduct and interference in Nigerian politics. Rather than

giving the sanitized version of coups that is in other books, the author has deliberately given

extremely graphic accounts of events in order for the reader to appreciate the ruthless brutality

that often accompanies military coups d’états.



Nigeria’s return to civilian democratic rule in 1999 has encouraged greater free-

dom of expression and political debate regarding topics that were considered taboo

in the days of military rule. This has presented a welcome opportunity to discuss pre-

viously taboo topics, in order that future generations can learn from them and avoid

the mistakes of the past. Those that do not heed history are doomed to repeat it.

Nigeria  recently  celebrated  50  years  as  an  independent  nation.


As it passed this milestone there is renewed interest in its history. Although modern

Nigeria cannot be understood without reference to its era of military rule, there is

little objective literature on the fifteen years of military rule (1984 –1999) that

preceded the current civilian  government.  The  small  body  of  literature  on  the  era

of military  rule  consists  largely  of  hagiographic  biographies  by,  or about, some

of the key personalities of the era.


The  second  period  of  military  rule  between  1984  and  1993 crafted modern

Nigerian society, and effected cataclysmic changes in Nigeria’s political, economic

and religious character that nearly tore the country apart on several occasions.

There is need for stock taking and objective analysis of the mistakes of the past.

The story  of Nigerian military rule is an untapped  vault for the non-academic

audience,  with  few  scholars  devoting  serious  effort  to  accurately recording it.

Little is known of Nigerian military political history due to an almost Mafia-like code

of silence by its leading figures. The result  has  been  public  discourse  dominated  by  JFK-esque conspiracy theories, rumour and innuendo. Official sources

have been  reluctant  to  divulge  details  of  Nigeria’s recent  past

largely because most of the key dramatis personnae are still alive,

and to avoid inflaming passions in an already volatile country.



Powerful personalities behind Nigeria’s military governments are

still active and influential in political positions, even if they have

removed their uniforms and transformed themselves into civilian

rulers. David Mark (former Senate President and the third most

powerful person in Nigeria’s political hierarchy) is a retired army

brigadier. His former military colleagues include active politicians

such as former governors Murtala Nyako, Olabode George (both retired

navy officers), and Jonah Jang (a retired air force officer).

The retired military even constitute the most significant opposition

figures. The present Nigeria President Muhammadu Buhari  is a

former military head of state with a rank of a Major-General .


Even some of the most powerful traditional rulers in Nigeria are

former military officers. The current Sultan of Sokoto,

Amir-ul  Mumineen 2   Muhammadu  Sa’adu  Abubakar,  was

formerly Colonel Abubakar of the Nigerian army’s armoured corps.

The current Emir of Zuru, Sani Sami is a retired major-general, and

the Etsu Nupe Alhaji Yahaya Abubakar is a former army colonel.

There are very few Emirs without sons or nephews in the military.

This continues a long tradition of blue bloods in the military first

pioneered by Major-General Hassan Katsina, the late Chief of Army

Staff and son of the former Emir of Katsina, Usman Nagogo. Major-

General  Shehu  Musa  Yar’Adua,  older  brother  of  Nigeria’s  former

President Umaru Yar’Adua, was also of aristocratic origin. His father

Mallam Musa Yar’Adua was the Mutawallen Katsina (custodian of

treasury of the Katsina Emirate Council).


After gaining independence from the United Kingdom in 1960,

Nigeria’s parliamentary Westminster-style democracy collapsed on

January 15, 1966, when a group of radical young army majors staged

a military coup and overthrew the civilian government of Prime

Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. Although the coup leaders did

not manage to seize power for themselves, the coup’s violent nature,

and  assassination  of  key  government  personnel  such  as  Prime

Minister Balewa, Alhaji Sir Ahmadu Bello (Premier of the Northern

Region),  Samuel  Akintola  (Premier  of  the  Western  Region),  and

Festus Okotie-Eboh (Finance Minister) was enough to topple the

government and persuade the rump cabinet to cede power to the

General  Officer  Commanding  (GOC)  the  army,  Major-General

Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi.


Although Ironsi had suppressed the coup and was not among its

planners, he was unable to escape the stigma attached to it. Northern

soldiers were aggrieved at the coup’s lopsided nature and became

suspicious of it, and of Ironsi’s motives. Since most of the coup’s

planners were Igbo, their victims were non-Igbo, and its outcome

was a military government led by an Igbo army officer, northerners

suspected  that  the  coup  was  an  orchestrated  conspiracy  to  wrest

power  away  from  the  northern-led  civilian  government.  These

tensions and suspicions led to another coup by northern officers 3

in July 1966, during which Ironsi was assassinated and replaced by

Lt-Colonel Yakubu Gowon. Gowon governed until July 1975 when

he was deposed by the same soldiers who had staged the coup that

brought him to power in 1966.


The new military leader was Brigadier Murtala Muhammed, the

leader of the July 1966 coup. After Muhammed was assassinated

during  an  abortive  attempted  coup  in  February  1976,  he  was

replaced by his deputy, Lt-General Olusegun Obasanjo. Obasanjo

remained  in  power  for  almost  four  years,  leading  the  country

back to civilian democracy before stepping down in October 1979

after  multi-party  elections  were  won  by  Alhaji  Shehu  Shagari  of

the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). The voluntary surrender of

power was a source of great pride and prestige to the military, but

it amplified its political ambitions by giving it a self-righteous air of

being the nation’s political custodian and moral conscience.


The transfers of power from one military regime to another were

not random. Each coup and government had substantial continuity

of personnel. The same people have controlled Nigerian political and

military life since 1966. The group of officers that brought Gowon

to power in August 1966 formed the foundation of all succeeding

military  regimes  until  1998.  Although  leadership  of  the  regimes

changed, the personalities behind the coups and regimes did not.


The 1966 cadre created successive dynastic military regimes for the

next 32 years. The young non-commissioned officers (NCOs) and

lieutenants who blasted Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi from power

in  1966  became  the  colonels  who  ousted  his  successor  General

Gowon  in  1975,  and  they  became  the  Brigadiers  and  Major-

generals who overthrew President Shagari in 1983. These officers

included Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, Muhammadu Buhari,

Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, Aliyu Mohammed, Joshua Dogonyaro, Jerry

Useni and Ibrahim Bako.


Between  1966  and  1979,  Nigerian  military  regimes  ruled  with

a  deft  touch,  and  rarely  resorted  to  ruthless  force.  Apart  from

being unelected, they behaved little differently from the civilians

they replaced. Most regimes during this era would probably have

defeated  their  predecessor  civilian  government  in  an  election

and  were  generally  more  popular  than  civilian  governments.

The military was perceived to be an agent of order and stability,

in  contrast  to  the  institutional  chaos  that  accompanied  civilian

politicians.  The  military  governed  with  popular  appeal  and  little

opposition.  Each  military  government  was  welcomed

with  jubilation  and  great  optimism.  The  incoming  government

would then reciprocate that optimism with grandiose promises of

reform and an end to the ills of its predecessor.







The army’s journey into politics was akin to sitting an exam prior

to  attending  lectures.  The  1980s  Nigerian  army  was  a  legacy  of

the civil war during which mass military recruitment swelled the

military’s manpower from 10,000 in 1966 to approximately 250,000

by the end of the war in 1970. A swollen military became a drain on

government finances, and an internal security risk. Nigeria faced

no external military threat from a foreign power, thus the army’s

role was largely devoted to the suppression of communal riots and

international peacekeeping missions. With no external enemies to

fight, military heroism tended to be sought in the political arena

rather  than  on  the  battlefield.


The  nature  of  military  governance changed greatly during the 1980s.

Coups became motivated by a desire for personal gain, rather than

by altruism or ideology. Public optimism about military rule dissipated

when the public realised that  only  the  leaders  had  changed,

but  the  underlying  problems which were cited as justifications for

military governance continued despite the change of personnel.


The military  doctor  became infected by  the  ills  it  came  to  cure.

Soldiers  were  corrupted  by  politics  as  quickly  and  absolutely  as

civilians had been. Although the military claimed to bring law and

order, communal, criminal and religious violence increased under its

watch. It continually promised to eradicate corruption, yet military

officers were indicted for corruption. As it extended its rule to attempt

resolution of these new issues, the military found itself engaged in

an  endless  merry  go  round  of  fire-fighting.  By  the  time  it  tackled

one  issue,  several  more  had  arisen.


As  the  military  became  more  politicised, ethnic and religious cleavages

in civil society replicated in the officer corps. Ultimately, the military

became overburdened by its workload of governance, political reform,

and transitioning back to  democracy,  while  simultaneously  trying

to  keep  its  own  house in order and protect itself against coups from within.

Military rule became more toxic than incompetent civilian rule, because

soldiers can  get  away  with  much  more  in  government  since  they

control the state’s instruments of violence, and do not have to worry about

becoming unpopular enough to lose elections.

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In Nigeria today, it takes 4-5 years to get real and fulfilled job in the giant of Africa. Job hunting trauma is really high out there. Blood pressure rises everyday due stress from job interviews and selection process in most cities. Learning a vocational skill is preferable and a great choice. Academic pursuits by average Nigerians is seen as an illusion and a benefit to few.

Entrepreneurship generates growth because it serves as a vehicle for innovation, change, and a conduit for knowledge spillovers. Thus, in a regime of increased globalization, the comparative advantages of modern economies are shifting towards knowledge based economic activity, not only do entrepreneurship play a more important role, but also a recommendation for economic growth.


Unemployment Rate in Nigeria increased to 18.80 percent in the third quarter of 2017 from 16.20 percent in the second quarter of 2017. Unemployment Rate in Nigeria averaged 10.63 percent from 2006 until 2017, reaching an all time high of 19.70 percent in the fourth quarter of 2009 and a record low of 5.10 percent in the fourth quarter of 2010.

In Nigeria, the unemployment rate measures the number of people actively looking for a job as a percentage of the labour force. This page provides the latest reported value for – Nigeria Unemployment Rate – plus previous releases, historical high and low, short-term forecast and long-term prediction, economic calendar, survey consensus and news.

Nigeria Unemployment Rate – actual data, historical chart and calendar of releases – was last updated on September of 2018 Becoming self-sufficient is the desire of every Nigerian, but only an insignificant number actually find a way to make it happen. Too many people do give up on their dreams too soon, when education and guidance could show them the way to success.


The dearth of entrepreneurs or people with entrepreneurial mentality has been one of the major inhibitors to the development of a virile indigenous private sector in Nigeria. Nigeria has vast human and material resources but people are still leaving below the poverty level.

Unemployment especially among the youths has been the major problem. This problem was attributed to the fact that most of the graduates do not acquire the needed skills and competence that will make them be self-employed. Youths of these days want everything fast and free; they lack the patience and the willingness to learn.

There is a great need to provide the appropriate counseling, economic and social conditions to encourage the emergence of individuals with required entrepreneurial skills. The problem this study addressed therefore was the determination of whether entrepreneurship education enhances acquisition of the necessary skills for gainful self-employment in Nigeria and to identify challenges that hinder imparting sound entrepreneurship education in our schools.

The firm of the innovative entrepreneur will consequently grow through the dual process of taking market shares from existing suppliers and increasing overall demand for the products offered in the market.

Finding new combinations of factors of production is a process of entrepreneurial discovery that will become the engine that drives economic development. These new combinations constitute better ways to meet existing demand or create new products which often make current technologies and products obsolete (in a process of creative destruction).


Entrepreneurship encourages creativity. Creativity denotes generation of new technology, new ideas and innovations as the translation of new ideas into a new company, new technology, and new products, or new service. The consequences of the association between entrepreneurship and environmental change are the role that entrepreneurs play in promoting innovative technologies, products and services.

The firm of the innovative entrepreneur will consequently grow through the dual process of taking market shares from existing suppliers and increasing overall demand for the products offered in the market.

Finally, an effective strategy to develop the indigenous private sector is through entrepreneurship education and programmers which will reduce unemployment rates, that may arouse the entrepreneurial consciousness required to undertake the formation and acquisition of small scale business enterprises in Nigeria.

Read more:

* Bertram, O.A et al (2016). Entrepreneurship education: a panacea for unemployment in Nigeria. NG-Journal of Social Development, VOL. 5, No. 2, January 2016 available (Online) at

* Trading Economics. Nigeria Unemployment Rate 2006-2018 . Available (Online) at :

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